Accountability, Rights, and Environment in the National Budget

.title[
# Accountability, Rights, and Environment in the National Budget
]
.subtitle[
## A cluster briefing: farmers, marginalized sectors, commuters and housing, justice, and the environment, 2020-2027
]
.date[
### September 2026
]

---

# Section 1 of 3: The Cluster at a Glance

### Farmers, fisherfolk, marginalized sectors, justice, and the environment

---

## Executive summary

- **This cluster gathers the budgets that protect those with the least power to demand it**: farmers and fisherfolk (DA, DAR), commuters and housing (DOTr, DHSUD), the rights commissions and sector bodies, the justice and accountability chain, and environment with DPWH's flood control. Together: **PHP 824.1B proposed for FY 2027**.
- **Two programs dominate the politics, in opposite directions.** Congress **zeroed flood control in the 2026 GAA** (PHP 250.8B proposed, 4.8B enacted); the 2027 NEP asks for **PHP 103.5B back**. Congress has also **cut DOTr in all seven GAAs** (-PHP 140.4B in 2024 alone) -- yet the 2027 NEP bets **PHP 299.5B** on it, nearly all rail, while zeroing the quick-win commuter lines (service contracting, PUV modernization, the busway).
- **Agriculture nearly tripled** (PHP 62.3B -> 185.8B enacted) around a PHP 66B rice complex; the 2027 proposal steps back 7.8%, dropping the congressional farm items.
- **The sector bodies share one 2027 pattern**: Congress's 2026 additions are not carried -- Marawi compensation **-40%**, CWC -33%, PCW -13%, NCMF -10%, CHR -6.6% (its gender-ombud line **halved**), NYC -6%. The exception: **NCIP's ancestral-domain line is sustained** at PHP 307M. And across all 3,390 P/A/P names, **"LGBT" and "SOGIE" appear zero times**.
- **DENR flatlined** (+10% nominal in eight years; watersheds -30%, coasts -24% in the proposal), and **DHSUD's entire enacted budget is PHP 1.9B** -- the 4PH flagship's money sits in government corporations outside these books.

---

## A few notes on the data (1 of 2)

.small[
- **Source and scope.** Appropriations come from a full P/A/P-level compilation of DBM budget documents (NEP and GAA), FY 2020-2027, nominal pesos: the NGAs tab (every national agency except DPWH) plus the DPWH-sub tab. **State universities and colleges are still being encoded** and are outside this deck.
- **Utilisation figures are agency-level, not P/A/P-level.** A separate compilation supplies allotments, obligations, and disbursements through FY 2025. These rates describe **how an institution moves money as a whole**, not how any single program performs -- but they still bound it: an agency disbursing PHP 60 of every PHP 100 allotted cannot be executing its flagship lines well. Rates are computed **against allotments, which include continuing appropriations** (DAR's CARP drawdowns are the clearest case, showing allotments well above its current-year budget).
- **Blanks are never zeroes.** The 2027 GAA has not been enacted (every 2027 figure is the NEP), and FY 2026 utilisation reporting is not yet complete.
- **Cluster boundaries are choices, and they are documented.** IN: DA (with BFAR and the other attached bodies) and DAR for farmers and fisherfolk; **DOTr and DHSUD** for the commuting and housing public; the rights commissions and sector councils, including the **youth, children's, anti-poverty, and urban-poor bodies**; the full justice chain including **BJMP**; the oversight bodies; DENR, the CCC, and **DPWH's flood-control lines**. OUT: the social-protection *delivery* programs (the Labor & Social Protection cluster), the health and education service agencies (Education & Health cluster), PNP and BFP (public order), and COMELEC. Institutions may appear in more than one cluster briefing -- what matters is that each sector can see itself in the briefing it attends.
- **Government corporations sit outside these books**: NIA (irrigation), NFA (rice buffer stocking), and the coconut levy trust fund on the farm side; **NHA, SHFC, and Pag-IBIG on the housing side** -- which is why the 4PH housing flagship barely registers in DHSUD's own budget. Rail subsidies to MRT-3 operations likewise flow partly through other channels.
]

---

## A few notes on the data (2 of 2)

.small[
- **Institutional changes over the period, as the budget documents record them:**
  - **OPAPP was reorganized as OPAPRU** (2022); one continuous series.
  - **PCW** moved from Other Executive Offices to DILG (FY 2020); **NCIP** likewise changed mother departments over the period; each is one continuous series.
  - The **Marawi Compensation Board** (RA 11696) and **National Amnesty Commission** first appear as agencies in 2024-2025.
  - **NCIP restructured its entire P/A/P architecture mid-2025**: the 2025 NEP and GAA use different line names, so 2025 comparisons are structure-to-structure.
  - The **Pasig River Rehabilitation Commission** was wound down in 2020 and appears only at the series' start.
- **"DPWH flood control" here** = the Flood Management Program plus locally-funded "Flood Control and Drainage" lines in other DPWH programs. Flood-related spending elsewhere (LGU funds, NDRRM fund, DENR watershed work) is not folded into it.
- **Units and short forms:** cluster and large agencies in **PHP billions**; commissions and P/A/P detail in **PHP millions**. In chart labels, **LFP/FAP** = locally-/foreign-assisted project and **PSS** = production support services; P/A/P names are otherwise shown in full. Totals may not add due to rounding.
]

---

## The cluster in one table

<table class="table table-condensed table-striped" style="font-size: 15px; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;">
 <thead>
  <tr>
   <th style="text-align:left;"> Pillar </th>
   <th style="text-align:left;"> Institutions </th>
   <th style="text-align:left;"> FY 2027 proposal </th>
  </tr>
 </thead>
<tbody>
  <tr>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> Farmers &amp; fisherfolk </td>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> DA (incl. BFAR and attached bodies), DAR </td>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> PHP 186.0B </td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> Mobility &amp; shelter </td>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> DOTr (rail, transit, Coast Guard, regulators); DHSUD </td>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> PHP 302.5B </td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> Environment &amp; climate </td>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> DENR (all bureaus), Climate Change Commission </td>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> PHP 28.2B </td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> -- DPWH flood control </td>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> Flood Management Program + locally-funded flood-control lines </td>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> PHP 103.5B </td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> Justice &amp; accountability </td>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> The Judiciary; DOJ family (prosecution, PAO, BuCor, NBI, PCGG); BJMP; Ombudsman; COA; CSC; AMLC </td>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> PHP 187.6B </td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> Rights &amp; marginalized sectors </td>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> CHR &amp; HRVVMC; NCIP; NCMF; PCW; NYC; OPAPRU; Marawi CB; Amnesty Comm.; CWC; JJWC; NAPC; PCUP </td>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> PHP 16.3B </td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> Cluster total </td>
   <td style="text-align:left;">  </td>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> PHP 824.1B </td>
  </tr>
</tbody>
</table>

.small[
The asymmetries are the point: **every rights commission and sector council combined is one-sixth of the flood-control ask and one-twentieth of the rail bet** -- about 2% of the cluster. And the housing department is smaller than several commissions.
]

---

## Big picture: the flood cliff, and steady growth underneath it

---

## Composition: what the cluster is made of

---

## How the money moves: obligation vs disbursement, FY 2025

.small[
Reading guide: a **wide grey gap** (DPWH, the Marawi board, DA) means money committed but not reaching payees -- delivery bottlenecks; **both dots low** (AMLC) means money barely moving at all. Whole-agency rates bound, rather than measure, any single program.
]

---

# Section 2 of 3: The Pillars and the Sectors

### Due analysis, pillar by pillar

---

## Farmers first: DA nearly tripled -- then the proposal steps back

.small[
The core of the budget is now a **PHP 66B rice complex**: the Rice Competitiveness Enhancement Program (PHP 30B, statutory), Rice for All (PHP 10B), and the National Rice Program's production support (PHP 26.4B) -- all carried into 2027. **BFAR doubled** over the period (PHP 6.1B -> 11.8B enacted; PHP 12.2B proposed), a real gain for fisherfolk, the poorest basic sector. The execution caveat: **DA disbursed only 59% of its allotments in 2025** -- the tripled budget moves to payees far more slowly than it is enacted.
]

---

## Inside DA's 2027 proposal: the congressional farm items drop out

---

## DAR: land distribution persists; the parcelization push winds down

.small[
Nearly four decades after CARP, **Land Acquisition and Distribution still needs PHP 3.1B a year** (up from PHP 2.9B), and agrarian legal assistance rises to PHP 0.7B. The World Bank SPLIT project -- subdividing collective titles into individual ones -- falls from PHP 5.1B to PHP 0.7B as it completes, partly replaced by two new foreign-assisted projects (PHP 3.4B combined). For farmer-beneficiaries, the question is whether parcelization actually finishes before the money does.
]

---

## DENR: the core environment agency has flatlined

.small[
While flood-control *infrastructure* rose from PHP 116B to PHP 250B a year, the agency responsible for **watersheds, forests, and the ecosystems that determine whether floods happen** stayed flat. Inside the 2027 proposal: **forest development +47% (+PHP 1.1B)** but **watershed management -30%** and **coastal and marine -24%**; protected-areas management is flat at PHP 2.3B. The environmental regulator (EMB) runs on PHP 3.5B; the **Climate Change Commission on PHP 0.3B** -- and its proposal drops 45% from the 2026 enacted level.
]

---

## Flood control: zeroed by Congress, half-restored by the proposal

.small[
Congress's 2026 zeroing kept only foreign-assisted projects, and cut **DPWH as a whole by PHP 350.4B** (network development -85.7B, support to operations -52.8B) while the **Convergence and Special Support Program rose PHP 72.7B** -- the migration path to watch. The 2027 re-proposal is structured differently: PHP 63.0B mitigation structures and PHP 20.9B rehabilitation (about 40% of former levels) plus **PHP 19.6B foreign-assisted**, whose procurement runs under lender safeguards.
]

---

## DOTr: the department Congress always cuts -- and 2027's biggest bet

.small[
DOTr is the **mirror image of the ayuda pattern**: the Executive proposes big-ticket transit, Congress strips it, commuters absorb the difference. The 2027 jump is almost entirely rail -- **NSCR +PHP 95.0B (to 123.8B)**, **Metro Manila Subway +47.1B**, Davao +13.3B -- projects that will serve commuters in years to decades. Meanwhile the **quick-benefit layer is being zeroed**: Service Contracting (PHP 1.3B in 2024; Congress re-added 1.0B in 2026) is **0 in the proposal**, PUV Modernization support 0 since 2024, the EDSA Busway 0, Cebu BRT cut to PHP 175M, active-transport bike lanes to PHP 34M. Rail matters -- but the entire fast-relief portfolio now totals **PHP 209M against a PHP 299.5B ask**, and DOTr disbursed only 43-53% of allotments in 2023-2025.
]

---

## Can the anchors execute? Four agencies' rates, FY 2020-2025

.small[
The execution evidence cuts both ways in the flood debate: **DPWH was already failing to pay out what it had** -- PHP 36 disbursed per PHP 100 allotted in 2025, down from 61% in 2023 -- *before* Congress zeroed the program, which both strengthens the case for a smaller 2027 restoration and demands an absorption plan alongside any project list. The Judiciary's near-perfect record is the strongest execution argument for its +22.5% ask.
]

---

## DHSUD: a housing crisis, an almost invisible housing budget

.small[
Against a housing backlog measured in millions of units, the housing department's budget is a **rounding error -- smaller than the Ombudsman's**. The 4PH flagship appears here only as a PHP 1.1B line in the 2027 proposal; its real money (interest subsidies, socialized-housing finance) flows through **NHA, SHFC, and Pag-IBIG, outside these books** -- so Congress can cut the visible housing budget, as it did in 2026 (-PHP 1.2B), without touching the flagship's optics. DHSUD's own disbursement rate has collapsed alongside: **84% -> 56% -> 48%**. For urban-poor groups, this and PCUP's demolition watch are one conversation.
]

---

## NYC: the youth commission after its one big year

.small[
The 2025 spike -- Congress added PHP 391M, mostly assistance to youth organizations -- was not sustained, and NYC's execution dipped with the scale-up (disbursement **79% -> 86% -> 58%**). "Youth" appears in 11 P/A/P names across government, most outside NYC (SK-related and education lines). For a sector that is a third of the population, the commission's PHP 296M is a voice budget, not a program budget -- the youth stake in this cluster runs mainly through everyone else's slides: free courts, jails full of young detainees, TESDA and schools in the companion clusters, and the rail lines they will ride longest.
]

---

## The Judiciary: the cluster's biggest 2027 ask

.small[
The 2027 increase is **court operations, not construction**: adjudication of trial-court cases +PHP 7.0B across the three court levels, general management +PHP 6.3B, personnel benefits +PHP 3.8B, while the judiciary's building projects wind down (-PHP 7.0B). Court capacity is a rights budget: every sector in this deck queues in the same dockets.
]

---

## The justice chain below the courts

.small[
**Holding people (BJMP + BuCor, PHP 46.4B proposed) now costs nearly seven times defending them (PAO, PHP 6.8B).** Jail growth is congestion-driven -- which makes the courts and prosecution to their left the real decongestion budget, and pre-trial detainees (most of the jail population) a rights constituency of this cluster. A warning light: **DOJ's disbursement rate slid from 91% (2023) to 68% (2025)** -- absorption is not keeping up with the build-up.
]

---

## The accountability bodies: who funds the reckoning?

.small[
The flood-control cases now land on these institutions. **COA grew 18% nominal over eight years -- real-terms flat -- while the infrastructure it audits doubled.** The Ombudsman's +10% in 2027 is the accountability pillar's one sustained build-up. **AMLC runs on PHP 0.14B and, at agency level, disburses only about a third of even that** -- a capacity problem money alone evidently doesn't fix. COA and the CSC execute at 95-98%.
]

---

## Searching the whole budget for the sectors' words

<table class="table table-condensed table-striped" style="font-size: 15px; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;">
 <thead>
  <tr>
   <th style="text-align:left;"> Search term </th>
   <th style="text-align:right;"> P/A/P name hits </th>
   <th style="text-align:left;"> Where they sit </th>
  </tr>
 </thead>
<tbody>
  <tr>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> "LGBT" / "SOGIE" </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 0 </td>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> Nowhere, in any of 3,390 P/A/P names across the national government </td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> "Gender" </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 10 </td>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> PCW (6), NCIP (2), and two DPWH PWD-facility construction lines </td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> "Indigenous" / "Ancestral" </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 11 </td>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> All NCIP </td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> "Muslim" </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 8 </td>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> All NCMF </td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> "Women" </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 8 </td>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> PCW (4), plus VAWC-related lines in DSWD and the PNP </td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> "Child" </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 25 </td>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> Mostly the children's councils, DSWD, and DepEd </td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> "Farmer" / "Fisherfolk" </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 24 </td>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> DA and its attached bodies </td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> "Poverty" / "Urban Poor" </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 6 </td>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> NAPC and PCUP </td>
  </tr>
</tbody>
</table>

.small[
A literal string search of every P/A/P name in the compilation. Most sectors in this cluster can at least *find themselves* in the budget's language; **LGBT Filipinos cannot, anywhere**. The slides that follow give each sector its own reading.
]

---

## CHR: a flat commission, and a halved gender-ombud line

.small[
Inside the proposal: complaints documentation is flat (PHP 420M), **detention visitation rises 55%** (PHP 32M -> 49M) -- apt, given the jail growth earlier -- but the line for **monitoring agencies' gender-and-development performance is halved (PHP 236M -> 121M)**. The whole commission costs about **PHP 11 per Filipino per year**.
]

---

## Indigenous peoples: a restructure, a cut, and a restoration to hold

.small[
The line to watch is **ancestral-domain work**: PHP 194.8M at its old-structure peak (2023), cut to **PHP 112.4M in the restructured 2025 GAA (-43%)**, then nearly tripled by Congress to **PHP 311.0M in 2026** and **sustained at PHP 306.9M in the 2027 proposal** -- the cluster's one clear case of a congressional restoration being carried forward. Titling is the binding constraint on IP land rights; holding this line is a concrete, winnable ask. NCIP's restructure also created two of the budget's ten "Gender"-named lines.
]

---

## Moro communities: the peace-and-rights build-out, and its 2027 wobble

.small[
The flat 2027 total hides opposing moves. **Up**: PAMANA to PHP 7.5B, **Normalization +48%** (PHP 918M -> 1,357M), a **revived GPH-MNLF track** (PHP 36M -> 587M). **Down**: the **Marawi board and Amnesty Commission -40%** (Congress's doubling of compensation to PHP 2.0B is not carried) and **NCMF -10%**, dropping the 2026 madaris and cultural adds. Restoring the compensation pace is the sector's clearest ask -- paired with an absorption plan: the Marawi board **obligated 11%, 37%, then 65% of allotments in 2023-2025 and disbursed at most 43%**; a doubled line only compensates victims if the pipeline can pay it out.
]

---

## Women and children: three small councils, one shrinking proposal

.small[
PCW -- the hub of the **5% GAD budget policy** and Safe Spaces Act oversight -- is proposed at PHP 177.6M, dropping Congress's 2026 add. The **CWC's -33%** (PHP 202.6M -> 136.3M) unwinds two years of build-up in children's policy coordination. These are rounding errors fiscally and easy restorations to argue: the three councils *combined* cost less than half a kilometer of the flood program.
]

---

## LGBT Filipinos: the sector the budget cannot see

- **Zero.** Across every P/A/P name in the national government -- 3,390 lines, PHP 6-plus trillion of appropriations -- the words **"LGBT" and "SOGIE" never appear**. With the SOGIE Equality Bill unpassed, there is no agency, program, or line item with an explicitly LGBT-named mandate. Of the sectors in this cluster, this is the only one that is **linguistically invisible** in the budget.
- **The closest institutions are in this cluster**: the **CHR** (the statutory Gender Ombud, which handles SOGIE-based discrimination complaints -- its gender-monitoring line is the one being **halved** in the 2027 proposal) and the **PCW** (whose GAD machinery is the main policy instrument that *can* cover SOGIE concerns, proposed at PHP 177.6M).
- **The services that matter most sit in other clusters, unmarked**: the HIV response -- the Philippines has one of the fastest-growing epidemics in the Asia-Pacific, concentrated among MSM and transgender women -- is funded inside the health department's communicable-disease commodity lines, with only the tiny Philippine National AIDS Council (about PHP 75M) carrying HIV in its name; anti-bullying work (RA 10627 explicitly covers SOGIE-based bullying) sits inside the education department's child-protection budget.
- **What engagement looks like without a line**: asking agencies to *disaggregate* -- HIV sub-lines in health, SOGIE-inclusive GAD plans through PCW, bullying-response reporting in education -- and defending the CHR and PCW budgets that make any of that enforceable. A sector without a line depends entirely on the machinery this cluster funds.

---

## The poor: the voice commissions

.small[
NAPC convenes the **fourteen basic sectors** -- farmers, fisherfolk, urban poor, IPs, women, children among them -- which makes its PHP 360M budget, in effect, the participation budget for most of this deck's constituencies. PCUP's PHP 233M funds the monitoring of demolitions and relocations. Neither has grown in real terms since 2020.
]

---

# Section 3 of 3: The FY 2027 Proposal and Engaging the Process

### What the proposal changes, and where the pressure points are

---

## The FY 2027 proposal, institution by institution

.pull-left[
**Departments and large agencies (PHP B)**
<table class="table table-condensed table-striped" style="font-size: 13px; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;">
 <thead>
  <tr>
   <th style="text-align:left;"> Institution </th>
   <th style="text-align:right;"> 26 GAA </th>
   <th style="text-align:right;"> 27 NEP </th>
   <th style="text-align:right;"> vs GAA </th>
  </tr>
 </thead>
<tbody>
  <tr>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> DOTr </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 136.8 </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 299.5 </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> +119.0% </td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> DA (incl. BFAR) </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 185.8 </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 171.3 </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> -7.8% </td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> DPWH flood control </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 4.8 </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 103.5 </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> +2072.9% </td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> The Judiciary </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 68.4 </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 83.9 </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> +22.5% </td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> DOJ family </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 42.8 </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 43.3 </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> +1.1% </td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> BJMP (jails) </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 31.3 </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 34.4 </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> +10.2% </td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> DENR </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 27.0 </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 28.0 </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> +3.7% </td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> COA </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 14.4 </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 14.8 </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> +2.5% </td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> DAR </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 16.8 </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 14.7 </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> -12.8% </td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> Ombudsman </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 6.4 </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 7.1 </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> +10.0% </td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> CSC </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 2.9 </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 4.0 </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> +41.2% </td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> DHSUD </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 1.9 </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 2.9 </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> +54.3% </td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> Climate Change Commission </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 0.3 </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 0.2 </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> -42.0% </td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> AMLC </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 0.3 </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 0.1 </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> -56.6% </td>
  </tr>
</tbody>
</table>
]

.pull-right[
**Rights & marginalized sectors (PHP M)**
<table class="table table-condensed table-striped" style="font-size: 13px; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;">
 <thead>
  <tr>
   <th style="text-align:left;"> Institution </th>
   <th style="text-align:right;"> 26 GAA </th>
   <th style="text-align:right;"> 27 NEP </th>
   <th style="text-align:right;"> vs GAA </th>
  </tr>
 </thead>
<tbody>
  <tr>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> OPAPP/OPAPRU </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 8,133 </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 9,305 </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> +14.4% </td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> NCIP </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 1,804 </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 1,738 </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> -3.6% </td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> Marawi CB &amp; Amnesty Comm. </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 2,519 </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 1,514 </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> -39.9% </td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> CHR (incl. HRVVMC) </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 1,357 </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 1,272 </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> -6.3% </td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> NCMF </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 1,314 </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 1,178 </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> -10.4% </td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> National Anti-Poverty Commission </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 369 </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 360 </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> -2.6% </td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> NYC </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 315 </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 296 </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> -6.2% </td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> Presidential Comm. for the Urban Poor </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 248 </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 233 </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> -6.0% </td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> PCW </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 205 </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 178 </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> -13.3% </td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> Council for the Welfare of Children </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 203 </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 136 </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> -32.7% </td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
   <td style="text-align:left;"> Juvenile Justice &amp; Welfare Council </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 133 </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> 126 </td>
   <td style="text-align:right;"> -5.1% </td>
  </tr>
</tbody>
</table>
]

.small[
"vs GAA" compares the FY 2027 proposal with the FY 2026 enacted budget. Congress's 2026 additions and their fate in the proposal are discussed on the next slide.
]

---

## Reading the FY 2027 proposal

- **The flood-control question towers over everything**: PHP 103.5B proposed to return. Center the engagement on **conditions** -- published project lists before plenary, geotagged disclosure, audit arrangements, and no migration into the Convergence program (which grew PHP 72.7B while all else was cut).
- **The restore-it-again pattern is the cluster's quiet erosion**: DA's farm items (-PHP 14.5B), Marawi compensation (-40%), CWC (-33%), PCW, NCMF, CHR, NYC, CCC, AMLC. Each must be argued again -- the **NCIP domain line, carried at PHP 307M, proves a restoration can stick**.
- **On transport, defend rail -- and restore the fast-relief layer.** The rail lines cannot absorb an eighth congressional raid without breaking loan schedules. But the coalition's nearer priorities -- **Service Contracting, PUV Modernization support, the busway, BRT, active transport -- total PHP 209M in the proposal**, effectively zeroed. Restoring them costs a rounding error of the rail ask and benefits commuters this decade, not next.
- **Apply the execution test to every ask**: restorations are strongest where the agency pays out (Judiciary 98-99%, COA, NCMF, NCIP above 90%) and need an absorption plan where it doesn't (DPWH 36%, Marawi board 43%, DOTr 53%, DA 59%, AMLC 36%).
- **Name the coherence problems**: watersheds -30% beside PHP 103.5B of flood concrete; a housing department smaller than the Ombudsman; a halved gender-ombud line beside a government-wide GAD policy; detention outspending public defense seven to one.

---

## For discussion

- **1. On what terms does flood control return?** The 2026 zeroing was accountability by amputation; 2027 is re-entry. What disclosure, project-list, and audit conditions should the sectors demand as the price of restoration -- and who watches the Convergence program?

- **2. Which restorations do we fight for again?** A cluster shortlist: the Marawi compensation pace (PHP 2B), the CWC and PCW levels, CHR's full budget and gender-ombud line, CCC, and DA's farm-to-market and assistance items *with* transparency conditions -- the farm insertions deserve the same scrutiny the flood ones got.

- **3. Does the rice complex serve the farmer?** PHP 66B a year now flows through RCEF, Rice for All, and the rice program. With tariff revenues funding RCEF by statute, the engagement question is monitoring: mechanization and seed that reach smallholders, not just disbursement rates.

- **4. Can the sectors see themselves?** IPs, Moro communities, farmers, and the poor can at least find their names in the budget; LGBT Filipinos cannot, anywhere in 3,390 lines. Should the sectors jointly push disaggregation requirements -- SOGIE-inclusive GAD plans, HIV sub-lines, child-protection reporting -- as a single transparency ask?

- **5. The commuter-housing bargain.** Rail money survives only if Congress stops raiding DOTr, and housing money barely exists on-budget at all. Should commuter and urban-poor groups push a joint position -- protect the rail lines, and move a real 4PH appropriation on-budget where COA and this kind of analysis can see it?

- **6. Who funds the reckoning -- and can it spend?** COA real-terms flat, AMLC at PHP 0.14B *and disbursing a third of it*, the Ombudsman growing but small -- against a caseload the flood scandal multiplied. An accountability-machinery supplement belongs in the cluster's common position, but AMLC's record says the ask must be capability (people, systems), not just pesos.

---

# Thank you

### Accountability, Rights, and Environment in the National Budget
#### A cluster briefing, 2020-2027

.footnote[Underlying data: DBM NEP & GAA documents (current-year new appropriations, P/A/P level), FY 2020-2027, full-compilation NGAs and DPWH tabs. FY 2027 figures are the proposal (NEP); the 2027 GAA has not been enacted. State universities and colleges are pending encoding; agency-level utilisation data exists in a separate compilation and is not shown. NIA, NFA, and the BARMM block grant are outside these agency books. Cluster boundaries as documented in the data notes.]